Politics

For the first time since 1991, the Roma do not have their own representative in the assembly

In the thirty-three years of independence, there were 6 Roma MPs in the Macedonian assembly: Faik Abdi, Amdi Bajram, Nezhdet Mustafa, Shaban Saliu, Samka Ibraimovski and Latifa Shikovska. All of them were part of coalitions with larger parties, from which they sometimes broke away during the mandate.

From 1991 to 1994, the Party for the Full Emancipation of the Roma was represented in the parliament by Abdi Farik. From 1994 to 1998, he was a member of the Party for the Full Emancipation of the Roma, and then an independent MP. From 1998 to 2002, Amdi Bajram from the Union of Roma in Macedonia is part of the parliamentary assembly. In 2002, Nezhdet Mustafa from the United Party of Roma from Macedonia was in the parliamentary benches until 2006. In 2006, in addition to him, Shaban Saliu from the Democratic Forces of the Roma entered the Parliament. In 2008, Amdi Bajram as part of the coalition of the Union of Roma with VMRO DPMNE is the representative of Roma in the assembly until 2011, and then until 2016 as part of the same coalition. From 2016 to 2020, Samka Ibraimovski from the Party for Full Emancipation is part of the parliamentary composition and the coalition with SDSM. In the same composition is Amdi Bajram from the Union of Roma from Macedonia as part of the coalition with VMRO DPMNE. From 2020 to 2024, the only Roma representative in the assembly is Latifa Šikovska from SDSM. In 2024, there will be no Roma in the assembly."

As the reason for this situation, Thorn analyzes that it is also the way in which the elections are conducted in our country, with six electoral units, which is disastrous for smaller political entities, whether they are small political parties or small ethnic communities such as the Roma, but also the poor status of the Roma, which also affects the representation in the assembly.

Analysis: 2023, the year Tomio Okamura disappeared from official reports on extremism in the Czech Republic

In the most recent report for the year 2023, however, even an attentive reader will search in vain for any mention whatsoever of Okamura. Why is that? Why is this some sad news, whatever the explanation? It’s as if one were reading two descriptions of one and the same phenomenon, each of which draws an absolutely different conclusion.

You can judge for yourselves. In its annual “Report on Extremism and Prejudiced Hatred on the Territory of the Czech Republic” for the year 2022, the Interior Ministry wrote this:

Xenophobic populist politicians and activists have long demonstrated a high degree of flexibility in their search for subject matter, or rather, for enemies. Among many of them it was possible to trace their smooth transition from criticizing alleged Islamization to criticizing alleged “COVID totalitarianism”. As of March, that subject was put on the back burner and replaced by the conflict in Ukraine. In this most recent case, the pro-Kremlin narratives are being taken up with ever-increasing intensity and are even more unambiguous. The Freedom and Direct Democracy movement, the entity that so far has no competition on the scene in that regard, has also undergone this development. The movement has anxiously guarded its dominant position there. It was the only “patriotic” entity to succeed in the local elections. It was the only such entity that managed to nominate a presidential candidate, Jaroslav Bašta, through its votes in the lower house.

What about the year 2023? The report says traditional extremist parties are on the decline.

Anti-system movements now dominate the scene. That was the headline the Interior Ministry gave to its press release about the fact that the Government on Tuesday had approved its “Report on Extremism and Prejudiced Hatred on the Territory of the Czech Republic” for 2023.

Link https://romea.cz/en/opinionanalysis-2023-the-year-tomio-okamura-disappeared-from-official-reports-on-extremism-in-the-czech-republic

Should we fear the rise of the right before the European Parliament elections?

With less than a month until the elections for the European Parliament, research shows that more than 400 million citizens of the European Union, from 27 member states, will bring significant growth to the right-wing parties with their votes.

Ahead of the elections, which will be held in all states between June 6 and 9, polls show that parties belonging to the right and left of the center and the Green group will experience a drop in the number of votes, but that the traditional parties will retain their majority, albeit with weaker results compared to previous voting cycles.

What could the rise of the right mean?

In the current outgoing composition of the European Parliament, the right has 128 parliamentary seats out of a total of 705. In the next composition, according to polls, they could win almost a quarter of all mandates.

However, according to an expert from the German Marshall Fund, this does not necessarily mean that the growth of these currents will imply the growth of pro-Russian sentiments in the European Parliament.

As an example, he mentions Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who, according to him, has strong anti-Russian and pro-Ukrainian sentiments. Then the French presidential candidate Marine Le Pen, who, as he points out, was financed by Russia, is now leaning more and more towards Ukraine.

"I would be cautious in assuming that the future European Parliament, even if the extreme right wins seats, will be significantly more pro-Russian or anti-Ukrainian than the current parliament. I believe that will not be the case," says Kirkegaard.

In 2014, Marine Le Pen took out a loan from the first Czech-Russian bank, worth 11 million euros. The shadow of this loan has long loomed over this far-right party, and Le Pen has been heavily criticized for her relations with Russia. In September 2023, her party confirmed that she had fully repaid the loan.

Column by Nadir Redzepi - Farewell to the Assembly

Those who read my columns may have noticed that the main focus of the debate is on the development of processes and trends regarding the Roma issue. This means that I do not focus on certain events or actions of individuals because they reflect individual and partial interests in a given time and space. As such, they comply with or contradict ongoing macro processes, be they politically, economically, or culturally. On several occasions, I have said that the Roma issue cannot be seen in isolation from the events in Macedonia so far. Nor are the developments in Macedonia concerning the Balkans and Europe. It is also important to take into account the specifics of all levels, from national, regional to international, to build some approximate picture of whether Roma in Macedonia are underway through ongoing processes and contribute to political culture in our society, and whether it contributes to significant influence and changes in society and the Roma community itself. Following global and regional trends and policies, it is obvious that the Roma issue is being lost from the radar of political elites. Europe and the Balkans have more important things, as always, but even now we are getting confirmation that the Roma issue is completely irrelevant to political circles. Right-wing parties, and populists among them, are gaining more political power, while Roma political elites do not have adequate dialogue and treatment of them. The upcoming European Parliament elections in June question whether we will have more than one Roma Euro-MP in Brussels. It’s a rear-end, from four to one. In the region, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro do not have Roma MPs in their parliaments. Kosovo and Croatia have reserved seats for a Roma MP, while for the first time since 1990, we have joined the trends of Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro. These are the processes in the EU and the Western Balkans that we need to follow and find appropriate solutions for political representation.

***

While we wait for the State Electoral Commission to announce the final results of Macedonia’s 11th parliamentary elections, it is likely, that the new composition of the Assembly will not have a Roma MP. It was expected, at least for me, given the decisions of the Roma parties to run the last elections. This result, as people and citizens of this country, did return us to 1989, at the time of the ideological monopoly of the then republic. It is time to forget the fairy tales of multiethnic democracy in Macedonia because the Roma community faces a classic dilemma of a political prisoner: a system that (seemingly) encourages cooperation but ultimately does not generate (or does not want to have) progress and positive changes for the Roma people. This is the harsh deal with this political system – in the last election, 30,000 Roma voters did not have a representative in the Assembly. We can complain indefinitely that the system is rigged and favors the big parties, forcing smaller parties to make artificial coalitions/alliances, that the only chance or choice is to be on the SDSM or VMRO list (this time in DUI)… and thus give indefinitely decadent justifications and explanations that someone there is to blame for failing to get a Roma MP in the Macedonian Parliament on May 8th.

Before we blame the system and the big parties, it is right to look at how and why we are experiencing enormous immaturity in our Roma political court. If it is not immaturity, then it may be irrationality, typical of Balkan mentality, or misleading mathematics. There seems to be something from each in the decisions of the Roma parties. Imagine a crowded bazaar of political products that you don’t know which gig they’re placed on. The price is unknown, the value is even greater secret, and the use value is known only to the leaders of Roma parties. Instead of a single and unique brand, a united Roma power, we have 14 Roma parties on the market, each of which deals with its own goods – trading promises, vague agendas, and short and cheap campaigns—in which they do everything they can to get a share of the Roma votes.

The math is brutal. Macedonian electoral market has six constituencies (plus three for the diaspora) and each party needs about 8,000 votes to secure a seat. Additionally, our votes should be concentrated in one constituency. majority parties to behave like kings. They “swallow” Roma voices in exchange for transparent promises of “inclusion”, promises that fade faster than the morning fog over Lake Ohrid.

The “coalition solution” was not a Balkan bonanza either. Since 1990, Roma parties have hitched their wagons to the big players, becoming awkward partners in an unusual political tango. Their agendas have been diluted, and their voices drowned in the cacophony of national politics. It’s like trying to discuss philosophy in a crowded nightclub – lots of noise, no substance. Depending on the number of votes received, the weight of Roma parties in government coalitions was an unclear variable. Before the elections, our Roma leaders promised thousands of votes for the coalition partner, so after the elections they counted hundreds of votes. The more you weigh in votes, the more your price is, that is, your place in government. And so, the coalition talks between the Roma parties and SDSM or VMRO resulted in receiving ministerial positions, then deputy minister, several directors and the last one we got was the position of state secretary. The experiences so far are different, sometimes we got more than we deserved, and sometimes we got less than we deserved. In both examples, most of our leaders were not ready to face the challenges of the resulting political and institutional power.

Ideology? Let’s just say that most Roma party parties are as clean as the bottom of a fishing net after a long day of fishing on the Bregalnica river. Their ideological platforms are blurred like a conversation after brandy, although admittedly, I still have a problem understanding what the ideological commitment of our Roma parties is. This lack of focus makes them easy targets for participation in mainstream parties, where they can throw out a few important words about “inclusion” and collect our votes with all the finesse of a street sweeper on a windy day. It doesn’t matter what kind of music is played at those coalition parties, what matters is the will of the organizer of the party where our political elites are invited to play. Nothing new, and even less strange, because Machiavelli long ago wrote the recipe for ruling with small political ambitions.

Leadership? Let’s face it, charisma is a rare quality in this crowded political field. We don’t have a visionary like Mandela who will unite the community, there is not at least one with gravitational respect on the national Roma scene. This leadership vacuum allows selfish personalities to rise to the top of a group, with vague or incomplete legitimacy, a fickle moral compass, and self-elected lifelong presidents. president, secretary and treasurer of the party. It’s like setting a teenager up to run a delicate workshop to repair mechanical watches during a digital revolution.

So, what’s the exit strategy? May 8th was a check and confirmation of our reality and ability to act politically: first, the current electoral system is not built for frivolous and immaturely undermined political players; second, it is the political engineering of the SDSM and VMRO that gives them a monopoly for rule every 4 to 8 years; third, missed opportunities and mistakes of the past must be paid, and all Roma citizens of Macedonia paid for it at the last elections. Our political leaders should find a new formula for incorporating Roma interests into the majority interests. Until now, it has been in the small interests of Roma parties to find a place in the interests of the major parties. We know who has had the benefits and privileges of the practice of coalition between small and large so far. Consolidation is key, that’s the lesson we should have had from 2016 onwards. Until then, we had a Roma MP voted for by Roma voters, and after 2016, our votes melted into coalition mazes with the SDSM and VMRO. On May 8, plus dui. Only Avaja ran alone, with a pure Roma omen, albeit bravely, symbolically. I believe they have gained experience and lessons from the first round, assuming they will find answers and solutions for the next race. Enthusiasm and faith will have to be replaced by hard work on the ground, starting from now until the next election.

After each election, we repeat that all Roma parties need to come together to become a force that should be considered a serious factor and stop collecting political boutiques that sell little things to tourists. Overambitious, or more accurately, surreal.  Now that the alliances are still on the menu, the Roma political elite should find a way and strength in another direction, first internal unification and counting of our Roma votes, and then making a common decision on whether we run alone or in coalition in the next elections. Forget blind loyalty, i.e., the black-and-white image of the left or right, because unification does not guarantee success or power unless we choose the best, most competent, and most dedicated to serving the collective interests of the Roma. Importantly, the Roma votes should not go to the account of non-Roma parties, that is the dictate of the logic of ethnocratic democracy in the country. Roma parties should have a long-term strategic focus and gain sincere allies from the gadget. Alliances should be forged based on principles and concrete agendas, not empty promises. In this way, they will use their electoral influence and power to gain the right place and treatment, not just a seat on the coalition table that precariously niches the Roma position under the weight of the major parties. See it as a well-agreed trade agreement, not a secret handshake in a concealed café.

Bottom line: The electoral business keeps all small parties in a subordinate position, which means it does not reduce the importance of the votes of the Roma community in Macedonia. Small parties are locked into a system that reduces their power and marginalizes their interests. By consolidating, defining their platform, and creating strategic alliances, they can break free from this Balkan political bazaar and finally begin to shape their own destiny. Beyond the Bazaar: Charting a New Course But consolidation is only the first step on a long road. Roma parties should develop a clear, well-defined platform that resonates with voters’ needs and expectations. This platform should respond to the specific challenges faced by the Roma community, from education and employment to social inclusion and the preservation of language and culture.

What are the specific steps for fuтуре? Currently, we have 3 or 4 Roma parties in the future VMRO government that competed together in the last elections. Will the seat of Roma MP be vacant depending on the number of ministers and positions in the first echelon, and of course, is there a Roma candidate in a higher position on the VMRO list? The probability is low. The next thing that matters to us is: will the new government delegate one of its Roma partners to a political or institutional position about the National Roma Strategy? It is particularly important here who will be delegated, with which mandate and empowerment, and certainly the competence and commitment of the nominee. 

How will they improve the lives of ordinary Roma citizens? Voters need a roadmap, not just empty promises. Leadership development is also key. The community needs strong, charismatic figures who can articulate the Roma agenda with passion and conviction. These leaders must be people of integrity, with proven experience in serving the public good. They should be a bridge between the Roma community and wider Macedonian society, fostering understanding and building trust. Building trust is a long game and requires an address to the elephant in the room – corruption. Some Roma party leaders were accused of using their positions for personal gain, further disappointing the electorate.

In the end, I want to say that this election failure, if we qualify it that way because of the lack of a Roma MP in Parliament, will motivate us all for future engagements on the political level. After every failure, everyone who is dedicated to a cause learns lessons and subsequently changes the way they act and make decisions. I believe that the political and intellectual elite, including the Roma business elite, will mobilize and determine a new direction and values in our political self-organization and action. This is not only about securing seats in the parliament but also about ensuring that the Roma community has a say in shaping the future of North Macedonia. Until then, we will open the doors of the Parliament through other channels.

 

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Од 5 Ноември 2022 достапен документарниот филм на СП БТР „Небо, Точак, Земја„ на Max TV и Max TV GO со пребарување –Видеотека

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